There's only one president; V.P. sticks to official duties
Q: What authority would you delegate to the office of vice president? And should those authorities be more clearly defined through a constitutional amendment?
A: Having been considered for that post several times, I've thought a lot about that.
The vice president really only has two duties. One is to cast a tie-breaking vote in the case of a tied vote in the Senate. And the other is to inquire daily as to the health of the president. I really would do what some presidents have done in the past.
A vice president brings a certain area of expertise and talent. I would probably assign some of those areas, like telecommunications or some other important issues.
Q: So not as wide-ranging as Vice President
Cheney had?
A: Look, I would be very careful that everybody understood that there's only one president.
Source: 2007 GOP Iowa Straw Poll debate
Aug 5, 2007
Differentiate “electioneering” from real issue ads
The McCain-Feingold bill poses fundamental free-speech questions that will probably have to be resolved by the Supreme Court. The most vulnerable provision bars unions and corporations from buying “issue advertising.” Supporters say that the ads are a
sham-that they are not intended merely to inform citizens about issues but rather to influence the outcome of elections. But the Supreme Court has said issue ads are a form of political expression that must be left untouched.
So the bill creates a new
category, “electioneering communications,” defined as broadcast ads that refer to specific candidates, within 30 days of a primary or 60 days of a general election. Interest groups would be allowed to air issue ads, if paid for with individual
contributions. “There will be questions about issue ads,” McCain said, “but Supreme Court justices do read newspapers & watch TV. It would be hard to argue from a logical standpoint that the sham ads are not intended to affect the election of candidates.
Source: Charles Lane, Washington Post, Page A04
Mar 19, 2001
Reform election system, and get rid of electors
Q: Do you think we’ll see election reform?
A: I do believe so. I think we’re going to have hearings. I don’t think we’re going to change the fundamental electoral system that requires three-fourths of the states and small states are not going to agree
to being excluded from the process. But I do believe that we would eliminate this elector business. When I was elected to the Senate, the secretary of state certified the votes and sent it on. I think we could eliminate that “electoral portion” of it.
But I would not change the system because I think small states need to have representation.
Q: How about standard kind of ballots?
A: [Congress should] give funds to the poorer counties that can’t afford or have a very low priority on their machines.
Out in California they had a touch screen technology, which they say works very well. So I think we in Congress can help these less wealthy areas of the country update and modernize their technology. I think we could do that and should.
Source: McCain interview on CNN’s “Larry King Live”
Nov 29, 2000
Supported then opposed transparency in grassroots reporting
Q: You supported legislation which would demand that organizations provide their fundraising lists when they were doing grassroots lobbying. You were very much in favor of that kind of transparency, and then you voted against it on the floor. Why?
A:
Over a year ago, I had changed my position on this issue because I believe that it was too big a bite to take. I believe that there's ambiguities concerning it, and so I believe that it was better to move forward with the reforms that we can make.
Q:
But it also helps you politically.
A: I don't know how it helps me politically.
Q: In currying favor with conservative groups that were opposed to your original legislation.
A: There are as many liberal groups who were opposed to the legislation
as well. Some of these grassroots organizations are very legitimate organizations. As we found out during the Abramoff investigations, some are not. We should be able to find out and discriminate between the two.
Source: Meet the Press: 2007 "Meet the Candidates" series
Jan 21, 2007
Close corporate loopholes; veto pork-barrel spending
McCAIN [to Bush]: Last November there was an incredible bill passed full of earmarked pork barrel spending. They spent the then $14 billion surplus that was supposed to be there for this year. And you said you supported that bill. I voted against it;
said as president I would veto it and saw it as one of the most egregious practices. Tell me, what corporate loopholes would you close and what spending cuts would you make?
BUSH: If I’m the president and you’re a Senator, you can come in my
office and you can outline all the different corporate loopholes you think are wrong. And we can pick and choose. But what I’m doing, John, is I’m selling my tax cut plan without claiming I’m going to close some kind of corporate loophole. Your plan uses
so-called corporate loopholes to pay for it. I used cash to pay for it. And if the money stays in Washington -- my problem with your plan is that it’s going to be spent on bigger government.
Source: (X-ref to Bush) GOP Debate in Manchester NH
Jan 26, 2000
No term limits; they throw away the good with the bad
McCain hewed to his signature theme of campaign finance overhaul. When asked whether he supported term limits, he objected, “My problem is that we throw out the good people as
well as the bad.” But he said that overhauling the campaign finance system would have an effect similar to a term limit’s by ending the “the incumbency protection racket.”
Source: New York Times, p. A17
Jan 25, 2000
Drain the big money swamp to kill lobbyist mosquitoes
FORBES [to McCain]: Passing laws against lobbyists is sort of like passing laws against mosquitoes. Washington attracts mosquitoes the way swamps attract mosquitoes. Special interests go there. Don’t we need to drain the swamp first to get the mosquitoes
out of the way. And don’t we have to get rid of the tax code first?
McCAIN: The fact is if you want to drain the swamp, you take the big money away from the big-time K Street lobbyists and that way they lose their power and their influence.
Look, anybody who wants the status quo in Washington, they don’t want John McCain. Because there ain’t going to be the status quo when I’m president of the United States. You take away the big money, you’re going to take away
their power and you’re going to break that iron triangle of lobbyists, big money and influence over the legislative process which has so badly embarrassed so many of us and it is the gateway to draining the swamp.
Source: (cross-ref. from Forbes) Phoenix Arizona GOP Debate
Dec 7, 1999
Influence peddling helps the Chinese Army
McCain presents himself as an independent voice for reform of the political system, and places his campaign finance ideas at the fore of his presidential bid. He regularly calls the current system “an elaborate influence-peddling scheme.” The McCain
campaign contends that “these lobbyists need to protect their self-interest so much that they’re willing to allow the Chinese Army to continue to make contributions to our political system,” according to McCain’s press secretary.
Source: Jill Zuckman, Boston Globe, p. A3
Sep 20, 1999
End sugar subsidy; corporate welfare at its worst
Continuing his effort to end federal handouts to special interest groups, McCain today [proposed to end] programs that benefit the sugar industry estimated to cost taxpayers over $130 million a year. From McCain’s floor statement: “The federal government
is burdened with an unnecessary and unprofitable loan program for big sugar producers and enforcing mandated import quotas on foreign sugar. The sugar program is big government and corporate welfare at its worst.”
Source: Press Release: “Halt Sugar Subsidies”
Aug 4, 1999
Politicans poll, posture, & influence-peddle
“We have squandered the public trust. We have placed our personal and partisan interest before the national interest, earning the public’s contempt for our poll-driven policies, our phony posturing, the lies we call spin and the damage control we
substitute for progress. And we defend a campaign finance system that is nothing less than an elaborate influence-peddling scheme in which both parties conspire to stay in office by selling the country to the highest bidder,” McCain said.
Source: CNN AllPolitics
Jun 30, 1999
Supports Line-Item Veto and Balanced Budget
McCain led the ten-year fight to enact the Line-Item Veto in 1996 as a tool for the President to curb wasteful congressional spending, and continues to work to restore this important budget control mechanism. [McCain also] supported the 1997 Balanced
Budget and Taxpayer Relief Acts.
Source: www.mccain2000.com/ “Position Papers” 5/24/99
May 24, 1999
Supports term limits on Congress
McCain supports amending the Constitution to limit the number of terms which members of Congress can serve.
Q: Let's talk about campaign finance preform, because for a lot of conservatives, I think that's your original sin, if you will. Romney says that it's restricted free speech and, worst of all, it hasn't worked because billionaire liberals give millions
of dollars to these so-called independent 527 groups. Even Fred Thompson, who was one of your main co-sponsors back in 2002, now says it was a mistake.
A: Well, I'm grateful for Fred's support on that. It was McCain-Feingold-Thompson and we couldn't
have done it without him, so I'm very appreciative of his support.
Q: Yes, that was five years ago. He's not saying that now.
A: Look, there's millions of more small donors. The 527s need to be eliminated. But soft money was corrupting.
If anybody thinks that we need more special interest money in Washington, I'd like to meet them.
Q: So, bottom line, if you had it all to do over again, would you still go for McCain-Feingold?
A: Absolutely. You've seen the corruption in Washington.
Source: FOX News Sunday, 2007 presidential interviews
Oct 21, 2007
527s are clearly illegal; reform intended for small donors
Some say McCain-Feingold campaign finance reform is an assault on free speech. When you see soft money that's now banned from going to the parties instead going to these 527s, which are even less accountable than the parties were, can you honestly say
that McCain-Feingold is working?
A: We've strengthened the parties. There's millions more small donors. We have taken soft money, which was rampant in Washington, out of the game. The 527s are a violation of the 1974 law. The 527s are clearly illegal.
It's not a problem with law. It's a problem with the FEC who will not enforce the law. So, yeah, we made significant progress, absolutely, and I'm proud of a lot of the results of this. I lived in the environment where a powerful committee chairman would
call and say, "I need a check for seven figures from you, and by the way, your bill is up before my committee next week." That was routine operation in Washington, and we're still seeing manifestations of this kind of corruption.
Source: Fox News Sunday: 2007 "Choosing the President" interviews
Apr 2, 2007
CFR passes Senate; focus on House, not court challenges
The Senate is expected to pass a bill to ban unlimited contributions to political parties, a practice known as “soft money.” Supporters, including Senate sponsors John McCain, R-AZ, and Russ Feingold, D-WI, say the bill will break large donors’ power
over lawmakers. Sen. Mitch McConnell, R-KY, and other opponents argue it violates the right of free speech.
In addition to banning soft money, it would raise the amount of direct contributions for candidates from $1,000 to $2,000, beef up disclosure
requirements and restrict advertising by independent groups. McCain said he would worry about a court challenge when it comes. First, he said, he will focus on getting the bill through the House of Representatives.
Republicans left open the possibility
that McCain would not even be named to the conference committee [which will work on the bill after House approval]. Sen. Chuck Hagel, R-NE, said McCain’s views on campaign finance reform did not square with those of most of his GOP colleagues.
Source: CNN.com
Apr 2, 2001
Clearer rules about campaign finance; no soft money
McCain says, “The American people are unanimous that they want their government back. We can do that by ridding politics of large, unregulated contributions that give special interests a seat at the table while average Americans are stuck in the
back of the room.” The new version of the campaign-finance bill will include the following provisions:
A ban on soft money, the unlimited contributions to the political parties, from corporations, unions, and wealthy individuals.
Prohibiting
corporate and union spending on ads that mention federal candidates within 60 days of an election; [a ban on] phony issue ads.
A provision outlining the circumstances under which spending by outside groups or parties will be considered to be
coordinated with candidates.
A clear prohibition on political fundraising of federal property.
A clear prohibition on contributions of any sort by foreign nationals.
A prohibition on candidate using campaign funds for their personal benefit.
Source: Press Release, “Campaign Finance”
Jan 22, 2001
Replace battle of bucks with battle of ideas
Unless we restore the people’s sovereignty over government, unless we reform our public institutions to meet the demands of a new, we will squander our destiny. Toward that end, I have called for the reform of campaign finance practices that
have sacrificed our principles to the demands of big money special interests. I have spoken against forces that have turned politics into a battle of bucks instead of a battle of ideas. And for that I have been accused of disloyalty to my party.
Source: Speech in Virginia Beach, VA
Feb 28, 2000
Fight iron triangle: special interests, money, & legislation
Q: Bush said he’s still a reformer, he’s still an outsider, [but elected officials] support him because they like him. A: It’s fair to say that I did not win Miss Congeniality in the US Senate this year. I have to admit that to you. Q: You’re not
popular in the Senate. A: No, because I’ve taken on the iron triangle: special interests, money and legislation, which we’ve been gridlocked by in Washington, DC. We’ve taken the government away from the people. Young people are being turned off in
droves. I’ve been involved [with the] lobbying ban, gift ban, line-item veto. I’ve attacked pork barrel spending and wasteful spending, which is now worse than it’s ever been, and I didn’t make a lot of friends, because I point out these spendings. And
I’ll fight for reform until the last breath I draw so that we can get the American people back connected with their government. I’m trying to change this party, to bring it into the 21st century as a reform party in the tradition of Theodore Roosevelt.
Source: GOP Debate on the Larry King Show
Feb 15, 2000
Campaign reform that’s best for country, not for GOP
BUSH [to Hatch]: I believe the McCain Feingold bill will hurt the Republican Party and hurt conservative causes.
HATCH: [The] bill is unconstitutional. [It] leaves all the first amendment rights for the public interest groups to speak and do
whatever they want to and raise any kind of moneys they want to and takes away the first amendment rights from the two political parties. Have you ever wondered why all the Democrats love McCain-Feingold and hardly any Republicans do?
MCCAIN:
I’ve always thought that what’s best for the country is best for the party. You are defending an illegal system. You are defending a system that has caused the debasement of every institution of government and it’s got
to be stopped. It is now legal for a Chinese-army-owned corporation to give unlimited amounts of money to an American political campaign. We’re awash in it.
Source: Republican Debate in West Columbia, SC
Jan 7, 2000
Take away soft money & “hurt the unions bad”
BUSH [to McCain]: Your call for campaign finance reform will hurt conservatives & the Republican Party.
McCAIN: The unions carry millions of dollars in checks and soft money down to the Democratic National Committee. Trial lawyers do the same thing.
We’ll hurt the unions bad if we take away their soft money. But what you’re saying is that we should continue what happened in 1996. That’s disgraceful. Chinese & Indonesian money came in to the campaign. We’ll never know about the breaches of security.
Source: Republican Debate in Durham, NH
Jan 6, 2000
Money corrupts politics, and soft money corrupts absolutely
Q: Do you support a complete public funding of campaigns?
A: I don’t believe in public financing because I don’t think my tax dollars should be used to fund a person’s campaign that I philosophically disagree with... I think soft money is the primary
evil. I believe that there’s going to come a time when people will say ‘this system is broken.’... It’s now legal in America for a Chinese Army-owned corporation with a subsidiary in the U.S. to give unlimited amounts of money to an American campaign.
Source: Joint interview with Bradley & McCain
Dec 16, 1999
Campaign Finance: ban both labor union & corporate donations
McCain said that unlimited “soft money” contributions by businesses to political parties give corporations an undue influence over legislation. What is needed is comprehensive finance reform: “I would support no campaign finance reform that did not
require that every union member give their permission before the union spends money on politics. That’s the good news. The bad news is I would also require that every stockholder give their permission” before businesses could make political contributions
Source: CNN.com
May 10, 1999
John McCain on Voting Record
Gets legislation passed despite lack of congeniality
Q: You have described yourself frequently as the also-ran in the Senate Miss Congeniality Contest, but nothing can happen with the Congress unless the president has the power to persuade. A: Look, I get along with them, 234 pieces of legislation have
borne my name. I’m proud of many major pieces of legislation. My committee churns out more legislation than any other. I’m very proud of my record and the work that I’ve done with all of my colleagues. And if I have a mandate they’re going to follow.
Source: GOP debate in Los Angeles
Mar 2, 2000
Voted YES on allowing some lobbyist gifts to Congress.
A motion to table (kill) an amendment to clarify the application of the gift rule to lobbyists. Voting NAY would define employees of lobbying companies as registered lobbyists and therefore subject to the gift ban. Voting YEA would apply the gift ban only to specific people who registered as lobbyists.
Proponents of the amendment say to vote NAY on the tabling motion because:
Using the term "registered lobbyist'' will create a huge loophole. The Ethics Committee treats the actual listed lobbyists as registered lobbyists, but not the organization.
So, for example, a company can give a Senator free tickets to a show or a baseball game, as long as a lobbyist doesn't actually offer or handle them. If the lobbyist's secretary makes the call, that would be permitted.
If these companies can still give gifts, we won't have a real lobbyist gift ban. We won't be able to look the American people in the eye and say, "We just banned gifts from lobbyists,'' because we didn't.
Opponents of the amendment say to vote YEA on the tabling motion because:
I can tolerate not accepting gifts from lobbyists. But this amendment goes a step further which is problematic.
For example, I am a big fan of McDonald's. What about the kids working behind the counter? Would they be considered registered lobbyists because McDonald's has lobbyists? Would I not be able to go to lunch with my longtime friend who owns 12 McDonald's?
Every company in the Fortune 1000 employs a lobbyist, either a private firm or an in-house lobbyist. Under this amendment, every person who works for Exxon, Wal-Mart, Home Depot, and countless other businesses that employ lobbyists in Washington would be considered registered lobbyists.
If we want to ban the CEO and chairman of the board of the company from paying for a meal, or the head of a labor union, do that specifically. But this is so broadly developed I think it goes way beyond that.
Voted YES on establishing the Senate Office of Public Integrity.
An amendment to establish the Senate Office of Public Integrity. Voting YEA would establish the new office, and voting NAY would keep ethics investigations within the existing Senate Ethics Committee.
Proponents of the bill say to vote YEA because:
We have heard from the media about the bribes and scandals, but we have heard only silence from the House Ethics Committee. One of the greatest travesties of these scandals is not what Congress did, but what it didn't do.
The American people perceive the entire ethics system--House and Senate--to be broken. We can pass all the ethics reforms we want--gift bans, travel bans, lobbying restrictions--but none of them will make a difference if there isn't a nonpartisan, independent body that will help us enforce those laws.
The Office of Public Integrity established in this amendment would provide a voice that cannot be silenced by political pressures. It would have the power to initiate independent investigations
and bring its findings to the Ethics Committees in a transparent manner.
Opponents of the bill say to vote NAY because:
The Constitution gave us not only the right but the duty to create our own rules, including the rules concerning our ethics. They are enforced internally by the Senate itself.
The decisions made under this amendment would be no different than right now. The final decision will be made by the Senate Ethics Committee. All this really does is find a way to further publicize that complaints have been made.
We have people accusing us almost daily of having done something wrong and publishing it through blogs and all that. I think we should be very careful in setting up another tool for these bloggers to create more charges against the Senate.
I cannot support an amendment that either replaces the Senate Ethics Committee or adds another layer to our already expensive and time-consuming process. I urge the Senate to defeat this provision.
Voted YES on banning "soft money" contributions and restricting issue ads.
Vote on passage of H.R. 2356; Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002 (Shays-Meehan bill, House equivalent of McCain-Feingoldf bill). Vote to ban “soft money” contributions to national political parties but permit up to $10,000 in soft money contributions to state and local parties to help with voter registration and get-out-the-vote drives. The bill would stop issue ads from targeting specific candidates within 30 days of the primary or 60 days of the general election. Additionally, the bill would raise the individual contribution limit from $1,000 to $2,000 per election for House and Senate candidates, both of which would be indexed for inflation.
Reference:
Bill HR.2356
; vote number 2002-54
on Mar 20, 2002
Voted YES on require photo ID (not just signature) for voter registration.
Motion to Table Schumer Amdt. No. 2937; To permit the use of a signature or personal mark for the purpose of verifying the identity of voters who register by mail, and for other purposes. Voting Yes would kill the amendment. The amendment would allow a signature to identify voters who register by mail, instead of requiring showing photo identification or other proof of residence before being allowed to vote.
Reference:
Bill S.565
; vote number 2002-38
on Feb 27, 2002
Voted YES on banning campaign donations from unions & corporations.
Vote to ban soft money donations to political parties and forbid corporate general funds and union general funds from being spent on issue ads. The bill would increase the individual contribution limit to candidates from $1,000 to $2,000.
Reference:
Bill S.27
; vote number 2001-64
on Apr 2, 2001
Voted NO on funding for National Endowment for the Arts.
This table motion would end debate on an amendment aimed at funding for the National Endowment for the Arts. Support for the motion to table is a vote for NEA funding. [YES to table means supporting the NEA; NO means defunding the NEA].
Status: Motion to Table Agreed to Y)80; N)16; NV)4
Reference: Motion to table Smith Amdt #1569;
Bill H.R. 2466
; vote number 1999-260
on Aug 5, 1999
Voted YES on favoring 1997 McCain-Feingold overhaul of campaign finance.
Support of the campaign finance bill proposed by Senators McCain (R-AZ) and Feingold (D-WI).
Status: Cloture Motion Rejected Y)53; N)47
Reference: Campaign Finance Reform Bill;
Bill S. 25
; vote number 1997-267
on Oct 7, 1997
Voted YES on Approving the presidential line-item veto.
Approval of the presidential line-item veto authority.
Status: Conf Rpt Agreed to Y)69; N)31
Reference: Conference Report on S. 4;
Bill S. 4
; vote number 1996-56
on Mar 27, 1996
Voted NO on banning more types of Congressional gifts.
To exclude certain items from the Congressional Gift Ban.
Status: Amdt Failed Y)39; N)60; NV)1
Reference: Murkowski Amdt to S. 1061;
Bill S. 1061
; vote number 1995-339
on Jul 28, 1995
Supports Shays-Meehan Campaign Finance Reform.
McCain adopted the Blue Dog Coalition press release:
In a press conference today the Blue Dog Coalition, a group of 32 moderate to conservative Democrats, announced their continued support for the Shays-Meehan Campaign Finance Reform bill (H.R. 2356), which is being debated on the House floor today. The Coalition was joined by the lead sponsors of the Senate Campaign Finance Reform bill. “I believe that we need to end the influence of ‘soft money’ generated from undisclosed sources. And I believe that we need to rein in illegal foreign contributions,” said Rep. Ken Lucas (KY), Blue Dog Campaign Finance Reform Task Force Co-Chairman. “True campaign finance reform will restore to the American people their voice in the legislative process--a voice that has been drowned out in recent years by big-money donors.”
The Blue Dog Coalition endorsed the Shays-Meehan bill in March of this year. An official Blue Dog endorsement comes with the approval of no less than two-thirds of the Coalition’s 32 members. “My own campaign experience
has demonstrated to me the need for strong campaign finance reform measures,” said freshman Blue Dog Rep. Adam Schiff (CA), whose victory last November was the most expensive House race to date – combined, both candidates spent $11 million. “In order to protect the integrity of our democratic electoral process, we must reduce the corrosive influence of unregulated soft money donations.”
“I have been a strong supporter of Shays-Meehan and urge my colleagues to join with us so we can restore the faith of the American people in our elections,” said Rep. Dennis Moore (KS), a member of the Blue Dog Campaign Finance Reform Task Force. “I’ve worked with Sen. McCain on reform legislation before and I know that by working in a bipartisan manner, we can get big money out of politics.”
Source: Blue Dog Coalition press release 01-BDC4 on Jul 12, 2001
McCain signed the Report of the Commission on Intelligence on WMDs:
Mr. President:
After a thorough review, the Commission found no indication that the Intelligence Community distorted the evidence regarding Iraq's weapons of mass destruction. What the intelligence professionals told you about Saddam Hussein's programs was what they believed. They were simply wrong.
Here, we focus on recommendations that we believe only you can effect if you choose to implement them:
Give the Director of National Intelligence powers--and backing--to match his responsibilities.
Bring the FBI all the way into the Intelligence Community. Pull all of the FBI's intelligence capabilities into one place and subject them to the coordinating authority of the DNI.
Demand more of the Intelligence Community. The Intelligence Community needs to be pushed.
Rethink the President's Daily Brief. The daily intelligence briefings given to you before the Iraq war were flawed. Through attention-grabbing headlines and repetition of questionable data, these briefings overstated the case that Iraq was rebuilding its WMD programs. So far, despite some successes, our Intelligence Community has not been agile and innovative enough to provide the information that the nation needs. Other commissions and observers have said the same. We should not wait for another commission or another Administration to force widespread change in the Intelligence Community.
Source: Report to the President on WMDs, p. iii-iv 05-WMD-01 on Mar 31, 2005
CIA yielded to conventional wisdom, not political pressure.
McCain signed the Report of the Commission on Intelligence on WMDs:
Politicization: Conclusion 26
The Intelligence Community did not make or change any analytic judgments in response to political pressure to reach a particular conclusion, but the pervasive conventional wisdom that Saddam retained WMD affected the analytic process.
Conclusion 27
The CIA took too long to admit error in Iraq, and its Weapons Intelligence, Nonproliferation, and Arms Control Center actively discouraged analysts from investigating errors.
ACCOUNTABILITY: Recommendation
The Director of National Intelligence should hold accountable the organizations that contributed to the flawed assessments of Iraq's WMD programs.
Source: Report to the President on WMDs, p.188-194 05-WMD-09 on Mar 31, 2005
Reduce federal government size & scope, including military.
McCain adopted the Republican Main Street Partnership issue stance:
The federal government must reduce its size and scope, and cede certain federally operated policies and services to the states and private sector that are better equipped to handle them. One way to accomplish this would be to limit growth of government spending at or even below the inflation rate. Long-term economic growth is dependent upon sustained federal discipline. We believe this is the time to carefully assess both our domestic discretionary and our military commitments. In both areas, we face a potential fiscal imbalance between our program commitments and our available resources. Perhaps neither the Congress nor the American people fully appreciate the impact of budget decisions in these areas. We owe it to the nation and its future to undertake an honest dialogue regarding the implications of these decisions on the state, local and private sectors.
Source: Republican Main St. Partnership Issue Paper: Fiscal Policy 98-RMSP4 on Sep 9, 1998
Click here for 17 older quotations from John McCain on Government Reform.
